Issue 3: May/June

Darts & Laurels


for telling the truth, but not the whole truth, in news about itself, to: CNN. When The New York Times revealed in March that those reassuring TV segments about the new Medicare law were in fact taxpayer-funded Bush commercials in journalistic drag — the segments used actors posing as reporters and were presented as legitimate news in politically targeted markets — other outlets picked up the story. CNN, for one, dealt with it only on Paula Zahn Now, in a discussion centered on the bear-in-the-woods question of whether the video news release was “misleading.” Never acknowledged was the role of CNN itself as middleman in the misleading. As disclosed by the CJR Web site campaigndesk.org, the phony report had been distributed through the CNN Newsource service to subscribing local stations in a “reporter package” that, in at least some cases, failed to distinguish clearly between VNRs and news. In the wake of that exposure, CNN promised a change of policy: henceforth such infomercials will be distributed separately from genuine news footage, and to only those stations that (for whatever dubious reasons) want them.


for telling the truth, but not the whole truth, in news about itself, to: The Virginian-Pilot. On February 1, the paper carried a nineteen-paragraph story, with photo, on the death of Dennis O’Brien, a thirty-five-year-old Pilot reporter who seven months earlier had returned from Iraq, where he was embedded with the Marines’ 2nd Light Armor Reconnaissance Battalion. The story was filled with details about O’Brien’s education, family, and career, as well as excerpts from his dispatches and expressions of loss from the paper’s editor. Other details, however, were missing. In deference to the family’s wishes — and in disregard of its own obligation to report fully without favor — the paper withheld the cause of the journalist’s death. That detail was later revealed in a highly critical piece by Editor & Publisher: O’Brien had taken his own life, in a public park in Norfolk, where a Pilot colleague he’d arranged to meet there discovered O’Brien’s body.


for telling the truth, but not the whole truth, in news about itself, to: The Roanoke Times. With fanfare, tax breaks, and a bill of $31. 6 million, the paper last October launched a new Heidelberg Mainstream 80 press. Some effects were immediate: blurry photos, wasted copies, infuriated carriers, earlier deadlines, incomplete sports scores, irritated readers, stressed-out staff. Other effects came later: the assignment of a story about those problems to a business reporter, Duncan Adams, who took seriously the Times’s guidelines to apply the same standards in stories about itself that it would to “any other business”; the unexplained holding of that story after it was finished; a petition signed by twenty-nine members of the news staff calling on the paper’s publisher, Wendy Zomparelli, to “halt further actions which may delay, soften or minimize the impact of the Adams article”; publication of a new version of the Adams article from which his byline was removed at his request. Adams was protesting the deletion of certain discomfiting facts he’d found about continuing problems at specified Mainstream 80 sites in Britain, France, and particularly Denmark, where the Dansk AvisTryk, after three years of printer bedevilment, was considering getting rid of the thing. (That newspaper’s lawsuit against Heidelberg was reported by the British trade publication PrintWeek on the day the Times story ran.)


to the San Antonio Express-News, for a second rough draft of history. With “regime change” and “nation-building” now part of our national vocabulary, the Express-News took on the ambitious task of not only telling, but — more important — showing what those buzzwords actually mean. Dispatching teams to five selected countries that, for better or worse, were targets of U.S. intervention over the last two decades, the paper produced a massive report that looked unblinkingly at the record. For each of the five countries the presentation was the same: key facts on the prelude, the players, and the chronology, accompanied by narratives that brought the historic intervention to dramatic life. But for each of the five countries, of course, the outcome was not the same: Grenada now celebrates as its Thanksgiving the date that U.S. troops arrived in 1983; Panama, though free of Noriega, has not escaped from his legacy of corruption; in Bosnia and Kosovo, the future looks grim; Haiti still stands as the classic example of a worse-case scenario. What made the difference between “failure” and “success”? In the series’ view, it was the degree of U.S. commitment. As to the lesson for today’s Iraq, “this much America has learned: removing one man does not a successful nation-building make.”


to The Denver Post, for a journalistic bugle call to arms. During its nine-month investigation into the raging epidemic of sexual assault and domestic abuse rampant in the U.S. military, the Post analyzed Army records and Veterans Affairs surveys, and interviewed lawyers, counselors, and Pentagon officials. Most impressively, it listened to the wrenching personal stories of more than sixty of the estimated 200,000 women who have experienced such attacks. Its three-part series, raw with photos of victims’ faces twisted by the remembering, documented not only the extent of the crisis, but, almost as shocking, the military’s indefensible response. For the attackers, leniency and protection; for the victims, threats, thwarted justice, ruined careers and lives. Noting the inattention to past reforms, the series mapped out new ones — including the controversial possibility of limiting the authority of commanders to decide whether one of their own offending soldiers should be court-martialed. Such proposals are likely to be on the agendas of the several investigations prompted by the series. Maybe this time the reforms won’t be so easily dismissed.




Darts & Laurels is written by Gloria Cooper, CJR's deputy executive editor. Nominations may be addressed to her by mail, phone (212-854-1887), or e-mail (gc15@columbia.edu).

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